The free-market fundamentalist economic model is being thrown onto the trash heap of history.
Andy Grove, the
founder and chairman of Intel, provocatively wrote in Businessweek last
year that, "Our fundamental economic beliefs, which we have elevated
from a conviction based on observation to an unquestioned truism, is
that the free market is the best of all economic systems—the freer the
better. Our generation has seen the decisive victory of free-market
principles over planned economies. So we stick with this belief largely
oblivious to emerging evidence that while free markets beat planned
economies, there may be room for a modification that is even better."
The past few weeks have proven Mr.
Grove's point, as our relations with China, and that country's impact on
America's future, came to the forefront of American politics. Our inert
Senate, while preparing for the super committee to fail, crossed the
normally insurmountable political divide to pass legislation to address
China's currency manipulation. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton,
former Gov. Mitt Romney and President Barack Obama all weighed in with
their views—ranging from warnings that China must "end unfair
discrimination" (Mrs. Clinton) to complaints that the U.S. has "been
played like a fiddle" (Mr. Romney) and that China needs to stop "gaming"
the international system (Mr. Obama).
As this was happening, I was part of a
U.S.-China dialogue—a trip organized by the China-United States
Exchange Foundation and the Center for American Progress—with
high-ranking Chinese government officials, both past and present. For
me, the tension resulting from the chorus of American criticism paled in
significance compared to reading the emerging outline of China's 12th
five-year plan. The aims: a 7% annual economic growth rate; a $640
billion investment in renewable energy; construction of six million
homes; and expanding next-generation IT, clean-energy vehicles,
biotechnology, high-end manufacturing and environmental protection—all
while promoting social equity and rural development.
Some Americans are drawing lessons
from this. Last month, the China Daily quoted Orville Schell, who
directs the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society, as
saying: "I think we have come to realize the ability to plan is exactly
what is missing in America." The article also noted that Robert Engle,
who won a Nobel Prize in 2003 for economics, has said that while China
is making five-year plans for the next generation, Americans are
planning only for the next election.
The world has been made "flat" by the
technological miracles of Andy Grove, Steve Jobs and Bill Gates. This
has forced all institutions to confront what is clearly the third
economic revolution in world history. The Agricultural Revolution was a
roughly 3,000-year transition, the Industrial Revolution lasted 300
years, and this technology-led Global Revolution will take only 30-odd
years. No single generation has witnessed so much change in a single
lifetime.
The
current debates about China's currency, the trade imbalance, our debt
and China's excessive use of pirated American intellectual property are
evidence that the Global Revolution—coupled with Deng Xiaoping's
government-led, growth-oriented reforms—has created the planet's
second-largest economy. It's on a clear trajectory to knock America off
its perch by 2025.
As Andy Grove so presciently
articulated in the July 1, 2010, issue of Businessweek, the economies of
China, Singapore, Germany, Brazil and India have demonstrated "that a
plan for job creation must be the number-one objective of state economic
policy; and that the government must play a strategic role in setting
the priorities and arraying the forces of organization necessary to
achieve this goal."
The conservative-preferred,
free-market fundamentalist, shareholder-only model—so successful in the
20th century—is being thrown onto the trash heap of history in the 21st
century. In an era when countries need to become economic teams, Team
USA's results—a jobless decade, 30 years of flat median wages, a trade
deficit, a shrinking middle class and phenomenal gains in wealth but
only for the top 1%—are pathetic.
This should motivate leaders to
rethink, rather than double down on an empirically failing free-market
extremism. As painful and humbling as it may be, America needs to do
what a once-dominant business or sports team would do when the tide
turns: study the ingredients of its competitors' success.
While we debate, Team China rolls on.
Our delegation witnessed China's people-oriented development in
Chongqing, a city of 32 million in Western China, which is led by an
aggressive and popular Communist Party leader—Bo Xilai. A skyline of
cranes are building roughly 1.5 million square feet of usable floor
space daily—including, our delegation was told, 700,000 units of public
housing annually.
Meanwhile, the Chinese government can
boast that it has established in Western China an economic zone for
cloud computing and automotive and aerospace production resulting in
12.5% annual growth and 49% growth in annual tax revenue, with wages
rising more than 10% a year.
For those of us who love this country
and believe America has every asset it needs to remain the No. 1
economic engine of the world, it is troubling that we have no plan—and
substitute a demonization of government and worship of the free market
at a historical moment that requires a rethinking of both those beliefs.
America needs to embrace a plan for
growth and innovation, with a streamlined government as a partner with
the private sector. Economic revolutions require institutions to change
and maybe make history, because if they stick to the status quo they
soon become history. Our great country, which sparked and wants to lead
this global revolution, needs a forward looking, long-term economic
plan.
The imperative for change is simple.
As Andy Grove pointed out: "If we want to remain a leading economy, we
change on our own, or change will continue to be forced upon us."
Mr. Stern was president of the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU) and is now a senior fellow at Columbia
University's Richman Center.